Far from betraying its conservative core, the Republican Party has returned to its roots: a listless, nonideological vehicle of the business class, clasically denominated at Rockefeller Republicanism. It has drifted into unprincipled mediocrity, electing Republican cheats, pederasts, and war-mongerers solely for the sake of keeping the party leadership in power and, to a lesser extent, to pursue the pseudo-conservative principles of the neoconservatives–a bellicose bunch of highly ideological ex-liberals.

Peter Brimelow notes that the conservative movement, which achieved its hoped-for dream of a Republican-controlled government, soon found that the new bosses were not much better than the old ones. Worse than that, it misgoverned under the banner of conservatism, damaging the credibility of conservatives and damaging their chief political apparatus since at least 1965, the Republican Party:

I regard the conservative movement as the flower of the Free World and its first fruit, Ronald Reagan, as the greatest President of the twentieth century. But every stage of its development was paid for in blood— in sacrificed careers, in social ostracism, in endless hours of unrewarded toil.

For most of that period, the idea that the Republican Party might one day control both the White House and the U.S. Congress seemed an impossible dream.

Now that dream has turned to ashes.

The full measure of Tuesday night’s disaster is not simply that the self-appointed leaders who leaped on board the movement as it came to power—the Bush dynasty, the ex- (and no doubt future) Democratic neoconservative publicists and intellectuals—have led it to shattering electoral defeat.

Instead, the full measure of the disaster is that the conservative movement has essentially nothing to show for its moment in the sun. The discontents of the Religious Right are well-known. Economic conservatives are confronted with relentlessly increasing federal government spending. To mention one of my pet interests, far from being willing to break the power of the teacher unions and introduce market forces into public education, the Bush Administration has done exactly the opposite: moving to federalize the K-12 system in a way that is certain to be captured by the education Establishment. And, of course, Bush turned out to be bent on actually increasing immigration, already running at record nation- (and party-) breaking levels.

In place of all of this, conservatives were offered war, and the acquisition of what are in effect colonies, in the Middle East. I can honestly say that in more than three decades in the movement, I never heard this objective even mentioned, let alone agreed upon. Yet it suddenly became the centerpiece of the Bush Administration’s political strategy. And, because Americans are patriotic, it did indeed reverse the GOP’s increasingly chronic failure to turn out its white base, already threatened by inundation through immigration—albeit modestly and, as it turns out, temporarily . The problem with war, however, is that you can lose. And defeat is demoralizing. The plain fact is that, for the effort it put into conquering an empire in the Middle East, the Bush Administration could have sealed America’s borders and ensured Republican hegemony for a generation. Instead, we face the very real possibility of a post-Vietnam style national funk.